The absence of Ambedkarite politics and the prevalence of soft Hindutva in Odisha

The Patnaik government spent Rs 800 crore on building a corridor around the iconic Jagannath temple in Puri, which was inaugurated on 17 January—five days before Prime Minister Narendra Modi consecrated the Ram temple in Ayodhya. Courtesy Naveen Patnaik
Elections 2024
17 May, 2024

On 1 March, Naveen Patnaik, the chief minister of Odisha, inaugurated the Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar Inter-State Bus Terminus in Bhubaneswar. It was the first time that an infrastructure project in the state had been named after Ambedkar. The inauguration came after the state had seen a few protests by Dalit groups over issues such as displacement caused by state projects and caste atrocities. These groups have also had long-standing demands such as the construction of Ambedkar Bhavans across the state and establishing commissions for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes. In the absence of addressing substantive questions of social justice, the naming of the bus terminal appears to be a tokenistic gesture, with a clear electoral motive—the state’s Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha constituencies began voting on 13 May.

SCs and STs make up almost forty percent of Odisha’s population, as do OBCs. Despite such numerical strength of Bahujan communities, there has not been a robust independent Ambedkarite movement in the state. As the member responsible for labour, irrigation and power in the viceroy’s executive council, during the 1940s, Ambedkar left his imprint on Odisha by developing a policy of multipurpose river projects, including the Hirakud Dam. Today, despite the legacy of Dalit and Adivasi leaders such as Bhima Bhoi and Birsa Munda, it is difficult to find a prominent anti-caste leader or intellectual whose writings question the hegemony of Brahmins and Karana Kayasthas in state politics. The Bahujan Samaj Party has often led the political articulation of social-justice issues, but this has not been far reaching in terms of raising anti-caste consciousness within the state.

Instead, of late, Patnaik’s Biju Janata Dal has been mimicking the Bharatiya Janata Party’s brand of Hindu nationalism. The BJD has promoted an Odia version of religious politics by invoking the cult of Jagannath. These days, chants of “Jai Jagannath” are heard everywhere, from rallies to public functions. The Patnaik government spent Rs 800 crore on building a corridor around the iconic Jagannath temple in Puri, which was inaugurated on 17 January—five days before Prime Minister Narendra Modi consecrated the Ram temple in Ayodhya.

The BJD also makes good use of regional deities, such as the goddess Samaleswari. Patnaik declared a public holiday on the inauguration of the Rs 200 crore Samelai project, which had displaced many Dalit families without proper rehabilitation. Many public universities in Odisha have statues of Ganesh or Saraswati. Hindu organisations operate without any constraints in the state. Although Odisha is full of Buddhist heritage, recognised by the Archaeological Survey of India, it is mostly neglected. The focus is on appropriating and Hinduising Dalit and Adivasi deities. In so doing, the potential to question Brahmanical Hinduism through these deities is blunted.