Rahul Pradhan, the founder-president of Yuva Panther, has been active in Maharashtra’s social and political movements since 2011. He is the son of SM Pradhan, a prominent Dalit Panthers icon who mobilised the Dalit community in Maharashtra’s Nanded in the 1970s. Founded in 1972, Dalit Panthers emerged as a formidable Ambedkarite movement in the state, advocating for the rights of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Class communities. Rahul is a member of the Azad Samaj Party (Kanshi Ram), formed in 2020 by Ambedkarite politician Chandrashekhar Azad. He briefly served as the ASP’s state president from 2021 to 2022, before stepping down to focus on cultural and historical initiatives for the Yuva Panther.
Ryan Thomas, the social media editor at The Caravan, spoke to Pradhan about his perspective on Maharashtra’s evolving political landscape–including the recent assembly elections—the anti-caste movement’s role in shaping the future of the state and the enduring relevance of Ambedkarite ideals in a fragmented political context. While Pradhan felt that a resurgence of the Panthers in their original form is unlikely, he remained committed to modernising and preserving the legacy of the organisation by connecting historical movements with contemporary activism.
Ryan Thomas: Where do the SC, ST and OBC communities stand in this election? Are they supporting the Vanchit Bahujan Aaghadi?
Rahul Pradhan: In Maharashtra’s Vidhan Sabha elections, the dynamics are clear: the ruling party and the opposition are both solely focused on retaining or seizing power. As for Ambedkarite parties, the Bahujan Samaj Party and the VBA are contesting with determination. [Founded by Prakash Ambedkar in 2018, the VBA is an Ambedkarite party with the aim of acting as a political front for marginalised-caste groups]. The ASP, however, is only contesting in 8–10 cities and hasn’t mobilised its full strength here.
What happened during the Lok Sabha elections is unlikely to be repeated. At that time, SC and ST communities felt that if the BJP returned to power, the Constitution and reservation would be at risk. This fear drove many anti-caste voters to align with the INDIA as a defensive measure. [The opposition bloc, the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance, comprises the Congress, the Nationalist Congress Party (Sharadchandra Pawar), the Shiv Sena (Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray), among others. The VBA is not part of the INDIA.]
However, in this election, the dominant caste leadership within the INDIA has disappointed marginalised communities. On the ground, its actions often contradict its promises and it has remained silent on key issues like the Supreme Court’s subclassification judgement. [In August 2024, the apex court ruled in favour of sub-categorising SC communities, laying the precedent for ST communities to be sub-categorised too.] This judgement directly affects SC and ST communities, and the lack of opposition from the MVA or the INDIA has left these communities feeling betrayed.
The Supreme Court’s decision reflects an RSS-driven agenda to erode constitutional protections like reservation. If subclassification is being introduced, why not apply it to the open category as well? Additionally, the Constitution mandates a census every ten years—where is that census? The budgets for SCs and STs are being slashed, yet the opposition remains silent. Privatisation, especially in sectors like railways, has drastically reduced government jobs, which were a key source of representation for marginalised communities. The BJP-RSS agenda is to end caste-based reservation through such measures. If the opposition genuinely cares about social justice, why isn’t it addressing these ground realities? Ambedkarites see through their hollow promises. We are being excluded, our representation is shrinking and these parties, whether in Maharashtra or across India, are exploiting our struggles for political gain.
As a result, many SC and ST voters are returning to Ambedkarite parties. In regions like Marathwada and Vidarbha, the VBA, in particular, is regaining its support base. While there may still be some vote share shifts, the overall trend is a return to anti-caste parties that genuinely represent these communities.
Thomas: Why have leaders like Prakash Ambedkar, Chandrashekhar Azad, Mayawati, Thirumavalavan, and Chirag Paswan not come together to form a united anti-caste alliance? Is it because no one has tried, or do all leaders operate in their silos?
Pradhan: I believe it’s both a matter of different ideologies and a lack of coordination. Let’s consider these parties. The BSP is the largest Ambedkarite party with a strong cadre. Thirumavalavan’s VCK [Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi] is limited to Tamil Nadu, but they’ve made significant progress and are part of the INDIA through their ties with [MK] Stalin and the DMK [Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam]. Chandrashekhar Azad’s ASP is still a young party, building its base from the Bhim Army’s activism. The VBA has a strong presence in Maharashtra, but its vote share has fluctuated. While these leaders and parties share a commitment to Ambedkarite principles and social justice, each works within their specific contexts and regions. A united front is theoretically possible and I won’t deny the potential for it in the future. However, coordination is essential, and that hasn’t happened yet.
The BJP is clearly not addressing our rights, but even the INDIA, despite its rhetoric on social justice, has yet to take concrete action on the ground. Both the BJP and Congress have failed us. For example, in Maharashtra, when Congress was in power, it didn’t adequately address Dalit atrocities, tribal issues, or scholarships for marginalised students. Today, they remain silent on critical issues like the subclassification verdict.
A united anti-caste front will become inevitable if these injustices continue. Our voices are being silenced and only through collective representation can we fight against the systematic erosion of our rights.
Thomas: The leadership of social-justice movements seems to have been co-opted by larger parties like Congress. We have also seen the BSP losing successive elections and failing to secure any seats. How can independent anti-caste leaders reclaim this space?
Pradhan: To answer that, we must revisit history. While Rahul Gandhi is raising important issues today, which we welcome, the Congress’s history cannot be ignored. During Babasaheb Ambedkar’s time, he fought for social justice and representation—the very causes Rahul Gandhi speaks about now. However, the biggest hurdles Babasaheb faced came from leaders like [MK] Gandhi and [Jawaharlal] Nehru.
Babasaheb raised the fundamental question: in an independent India, what rights and representation would SC, ST and OBC communities have? His advocacy led to the Southborough Commission, the Simon Commission and the Round Table Conferences, where the British recognised the historical injustices against these communities. But when they agreed with Babasaheb’s demands, Gandhi opposed him, leading to the Poona Pact.
Rahul Gandhi’s efforts, including his focus on representation and the Bharat Jodo Yatra, remind me of Kanshi Ram’s politics in the 1980s and 1990s. Kanshi Ram spoke of hissedari (equal stakes) and bhaagidari (equal participation). Rahul Gandhi seems to be adopting a similar approach, advocating for inclusion and representation in a way that resonates with Ambedkarite ideals. His words are promising, but where is our representation within Congress? Social justice cannot be confined to speeches or media appearances—it must translate into action on the ground. The BJP is seen as pro-business and anti-minority, while the INDIA claims to be secular. Yet Ambedkarite activists and leaders are asking: where is our space in this so-called secular alliance?
It’s important to note that the INDIA’s gains in 2024 owe much to the SC, ST and OBC communities. For example, in Uttar Pradesh, the BSP’s vote share dropped, with much of it shifting to the INDIA. Similarly, in Maharashtra, the VBA’s seven-percent vote share in 2019 dropped to 3 percent in 2024, with those votes likely moving to the MVA. These shifts allowed the INDIA to challenge the BJP effectively in Maharashtra and Uttar Pradesh—states with strong Ambedkarite politics. However, the picture is different elsewhere. In states like Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat, Andhra Pradesh, and Rajasthan, the BJP’s dominance continues.
Maharashtra, despite never having an Ambedkarite party in power, has a significant social impact from its Ambedkarite movement, which plays a crucial role in shaping national politics.
Thomas: The VBA initially sought an alliance with the Congress and proposed a seat-sharing arrangement to represent marginalised communities. What happened and how do you view this in the broader context of social justice?
Pradhan: This isn’t just about electoral politics; this is the very fight Ambedkar began. It’s the fight the BSP has carried forward, what Chandrashekhar Azad advocates for and what Prakash Ambedkar continues to demand. Prakash Ambedkar directly told Congress that the marginalised communities in Maharashtra needed proportional representation, but the state leadership of Congress refused to engage.
Why? I see it through the lens of caste. The leadership of Congress in Maharashtra is dominated by upper castes and this dominance dictates the party’s decisions. This is casteism at play, where the demands of marginalised groups are sidelined to maintain the status quo of power. For true social justice, this entrenched system must be challenged, not just in words but in practice.
Thomas: In your opinion, can Chandrashekhar Azad take over Mayawati’s legacy as a nationwide Dalit leader?
Pradhan: Mayawati ji is a national leader and Chandrashekhar ji himself acknowledges her as such. He has openly stated that she is his leader. I don’t think comparing the two is fair or appropriate. He’s focused on his mission, not on becoming a towering leader, and we’ll see how things unfold.
Thomas: Given the challenges faced by Ambedkarite electoral parties, what role do you see for the Yuva Panthers in the anti-caste movement?
Pradhan: In 2011, we established Yuva Panthers, and since then, we’ve been working on the ground, addressing issues faced by Dalits, Muslims, OBCs, STs and other marginalised communities. While our primary focus has been in the Marathwada region, we’ve also contributed in other areas. Looking ahead, we aim to expand our reach and ensure that the youth, especially from these communities, are represented in politics and can raise critical issues like education. Maharashtra’s youth face numerous challenges, including access to scholarships and foreign-exchange programs. We want to focus more on these concerns.
Politically, we decide in every election to support and strengthen Ambedkarite parties. Since 2019, we’ve been aligned with VBA, and before that, we worked with BSP. However, we don’t have plans to actively join politics for now. Instead, we will continue working on social issues and organising cultural events to keep the anti-caste movement alive and relevant.
Thomas: Is there any chance of a resurgence of the Dalit Panthers?
Pradhan: The Dalit Panthers as they were originally formed no longer exist. They were founded in 1972 but were withdrawn by 1974. In 1977, they reformed under the name “Dalit Panthers of India” and remained active until around 1990. Since then, there has been no Dalit Panthers or Dalit Panthers of India.
Reforming the Dalit Panthers is not something we’re considering right now. Ambedkarite politics has evolved significantly since then. The Dalit Panthers were a social movement rooted in the 1970s, which later transitioned into a political wing under the Republican Party of India and subsequently through Prakash Ambedkar’s Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh [a splinter group of the RPI]. For many years, the community’s support aligned with him. From the 2000s to around 2014, we saw a paradigm shift, with the community shifting its support to the BSP. More recently, since 2018, the VBA has garnered substantial backing.
Politically and socially, the Ambedkarite movement remains active, focusing on key issues like scholarships for students, reservations, combating atrocities and addressing government policies. While the form has changed, the spirit of the movement continues through new avenues like the Vanchit Bahujan Aaghadi and organisations like ours.
Thomas: Activism by groups like Yuva Panther doesn’t seem to get much visibility online or in mainstream media. Why do you think that is? How do you plan to counteract this?
Pradhan: Mainstream media is casteist in nature. They ignore what we have to say, or sideline the issues we raise. They don’t give us the presence.
Thomas: The deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar recently mentioned that the billionaire businessman Gautam Adani was part of some political negotiations in Maharashtra. In a system where major corporate powers align with political interests, how can Dalit leadership or parties compete?
Pradhan: The corporate world in India, exemplified by Adani, operates like the true power behind the throne—similar to how Elon Musk influences politics in America. A similar dynamic is unfolding in Maharashtra. Adani’s focus is securing projects and profits. Take the Dharavi redevelopment project, worth Rs 1 lakh crore. Dharavi is home to SCs, STs, OBCs, Muslims, and other marginalised communities from across India—around 1.5 million people. This government plans to displace them and it’s being facilitated by Adani with the full backing of [the chief minister] Eknath Shinde, the BJP and Ajit Pawar.
Here, it’s not the people deciding who forms the government—it’s Adani. Ambedkarite leadership, however, consistently challenges these capitalist forces and this is why we are marginalised. We speak up for the people who will lose their homes and livelihoods to this mega project, while this “mili juli sarkar” [colluding government] works hand-in-hand with corporate interests to share the spoils.
This isn’t limited to Maharashtra. While Rahul Gandhi speaks against Adani, which is commendable, there are individuals within Congress who have an RSS-like mindset [referring to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh] and partner with Adani. We’ve seen this in Madhya Pradesh and Telangana, where leaders like Revanth Reddy have supported working with Adani. Meanwhile, Maharashtra is practically being sold off to him. The opposition alliance hasn’t seriously addressed this. Why aren’t they raising their voices about Dharavi or other similar issues? While Rahul Gandhi seems to be fighting alone, those within his party often resist his vision of social justice and equitable progress. His approach is radical for a system entrenched in corporatism and even within Congress there are forces that align with capitalist interests.
For Ambedkarite politics to thrive, we need to challenge this unholy alliance of politics and big corporations. The current system is designed to benefit the likes of Adani at the expense of marginalised communities and this must change.
Thomas: You’ve been detained twice by the police. What happened in those instances?
Pradhan: Since 2014, when Modi ji came to power, there has been a consistent effort to target Ambedkarite organisations and activists who speak out against the government. I’m from Nanded and I’ve been on the BJP’s radar since I raised my voice during the Rohith Vemula incident. [Rohith Vemula, a PhD scholar at the University of Hyderabad, hailed from a Dalit family. In 2016, he had died by suicide, after facing repeated discrimination by the administration.] I was the first to organise a long march in Nanded demanding justice for Rohith. The BJP leader Bandaru Dattatreya, whose actions were linked to Rohith’s tragic suicide, was scheduled to visit Nanded. I opposed his entry and succeeded in stopping him. That marked the beginning of the BJP’s efforts to target me.
Whenever there’s a Dalit protest or movement in Maharashtra, especially in Marathwada, I’m detained preemptively. For instance, during the Bhima Koregaon protests and other such movements, I was detained because they feared I would mobilise people against their injustices. They don’t want to engage with us or address our demands for justice—they just want to silence us. Most recently, I raised my voice over the murder of Akshay Bhalerao, a youth from Nanded, who was killed for celebrating Ambedkar Jayanti in his village, Bondhar Haveli. That village had never celebrated Ambedkar Jayanti since Independence, but in 2023, I helped secure permission for the event.
When [Eknath] Shinde came to Nanded after the incident, I was detained. Later, when [the home minister] Amit Shah visited, they detained me again and even issued a lookout notice for me in four districts. These actions are a response to my work challenging the RSS and its cultural agenda. Our cultural activism in the region is strong, just like the RSS’s, and they feel its impact. That’s why they continue to target me. But I’m not afraid of the RSS or the BJP. We will keep fighting for justice and for our rights.
The interview has been translated, edited and condensed.
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